Peru's
Indigenous Peoples
The word indio,
as applied to native highland people of Quechua and Aymara
origin, carries strong negative meanings and stereotypes
among non-native Peruvians. For that reason, the ardently
populist Velasco regime attempted with some success to
substitute the term peasant (campesino) to accompany the
many far-reaching changes his government directed at
improving the socioeconomic conditions in the highlands.
Nevertheless, traditional usage has prevailed in many areas
in reference to those who speak native languages, dress in
native styles, and engage in activities defined as native.
Peruvian society ascribes to them a caste status to which no
one else aspires.
The ingrained attitudes
and stereotypes held by the mistikuna (the Quechua
term for mestizo people) toward the runakuna
(native people--the Quechua term for themselves) in most
highland towns have led to a variety of discriminatory
behaviors, from mocking references to "brute" or
"savage" to obliging native Americans to step
aside, sit in the back of vehicles, and in general humble
themselves in the presence of persons of higher status. The
pattern of ethno-racist denigration has continued despite
all of the protests and reports, official policies, and
compelling accounts of discrimination described in Peruvian
novels published since the beginning of the twentieth
century.
The regions and
departments with the largest populations of native peoples
are construed to be the most backward, being the poorest,
least educated, and less developed. They are also the ones
with the highest percentages of Quechua and Aymara speakers.
The reasons for the perpetuation of colonial values with
respect to autochthonous peoples is complex, being more than
a simple perseverance of custom. The social condition of the
population owes its form to the kinds of expectations
embedded in the premises and workings of the nation's
institutions. These are not easily altered. Spanish
institutions of conquest were implanted into colonial life
as part of the strategy for ruling conquered peoples: the
indigenous people were defeated and captured and thus, as
spoils of war, were as exploitable as mineral wealth or
land. In the minds of many highland mestizos as well as
better off urbanites, they still are.
Although the Spanish
crown attempted to take stern control over civic affairs,
including the treatment, role, and conditions of native
Americans who were officially protected, the well-intended
regulations were neither effective nor accepted by Creole
and immigrant interests. Power and status derived from
wealth and position, considered not only to be in the form
of money and property, but also coming from the authority to
exercise control over others. Functionaries of the colonial
regime paid for their positions so that they could exact the
price of rule from their constituent populations. Encomenderos,
corregidores, and the numerous bureaucrats all held
dominion over segments of the native population and other
castes, which were obliged to pay various forms of tribute.
With the decline of the colonial administration and the
failure of the many attempts at reform to control the abuses
of the native peoples, Peru's political independence saw a
transfer of power into the hands of Creoles and mestizos,
the latter of whom comprised the majority of Peru's citizens
in the early 1990s.
The growth of large
estates with resident serf populations was an important
feature of this transition period. The process benefited
from the new constitutional policies decreeing the
termination of the Indian community (Comunidad Indio)--the
corporate units formerly protected by the crown. The
subsequent breakup of hundreds of communities into
individually owned properties led directly to these lands
being purchased, stolen, or usurped by eager opportunists in
the new society. The most critical native American franchise
was thus lost as entire communities passed from a relatively
free corporate status to one of high vulnerability, subject
to the whims of absentee landlords. Although the development
of haciendas occurred rapidly after the demise of the
colonial regime, the system had long been in place,
established through the assignment of property and people to
benefit particular individuals for their service to the
crown, to institutions such as the church, and to public
welfare societies intended to offer succor to the poor by
maintaining hospitals and orphanages. Debt peonage
constituted the basic labor arrangement by which landlords
of all types operated their properties nationwide. The
system endured until it was abolished by the land reform of
1969.
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